Diagnosing Depression In Ethnic Minority Groups Social Work Essay

Diagnosing Depression In Ethnic Minority Groups Social Work Essay The essay title is curious and could be interpreted in a number of ways. Firstly, it invites me to decide whether the essay should be from the perspective of a client, or the therapist, or both. I have chosen to present the essay from the point of view that it is the client who is a member of an ethnic minority group. Perhaps what drew me to this title over the others is of personal significance, being from a multicultural family and having lived and worked in countries in the Far East and West Africa where culture and society is vastly different to that of the UK. Essentially, I have experienced being an ethnic minority member in the opposite context and hence was eager to explore the essay from a clients perspective in the UK. I chose to focus on depression rather than psychosis, as I was less aware of current research linking ethnicity to depression and felt this would balance out my motivations and be beneficial for my development as a trainee. As for the content, I will begin with a discussion on what is meant by an ethnic minority group and by the term depression. I will then present my view of how ethnicity affects the diagnostic process, initiated with a brief health warning about the implications of racial stereotyping. Following this I will focus on presentation of symptoms and the formulation process of depression. The second half of the essay will be about the treatment process, looking closely at the influence of ethnicity on help-seeking behaviour and psychological treatments. Finally I will end the essay with a reflective account containing my thoughts about finishing the essay and a conclusion. What is an ethnic minority group? When translated literally, the term ethnicity means people or nation (i.e. ethnos; Franklin, 1983). Senior Bhopal (1994) highlight that is now used as a variable to describe health data. On closer inspection, the concept of ethnicity is not simple or easy to understand. Firstly, ethnic minority status does not account for changes over time and context. There are also many different terms used for groups. McKenzie Crowcroft (1996) highlight a good example of this: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦a Black Baptist born in the UK whose parents were born in Jamaica might be called Afro-Caribbean, black British, of Caribbean origin UK born, West Indian, and of course, Jamaican. Furthermore, ethnic categorization does not inform us of whether the individual is of first or second generation descent, not to mention the migrant status of the individual. Given our multicultural climate, the meaning of ethnicity is a source of continuing debate and is also likely to change with national trends and politics. For example, the Irish have only recently be recognized as an ethnic minority in the UK. Although the National Institute for Mental Health (NIMH, 2003) has advised that ethnicity should be self-identified, this does not always happen in the process of research. McKenzie Crowcroft (1996) point out that this leaves many researchers in the position of assigning membership of an ethnic minority group on an informal basis in order to have comparable data. Indeed, defining an ethnic minority group is problematic due to the lack of consensus. Despite these issues it was necessary for me to attach myself to a concrete definition for the purpose of this essay. Furthermore, I have selected a particular ethnic minority group (African-Caribbeans) when specific examples are needed. The definition I am following regarding an ethnic minority group is: Those with a cultural heritage distinct from the majority population (Manthorpe Hettiaratchy, 1993). What is Depression? Depression is a term used both clinically and in everyday discourse (Valente, 1994) to describe a host of unpleasant feelings which people experience, ranging from a low mood to describing a situational feeling (Keller Nesse, 2005). When depression is considered clinically significant is it quite different from the common experiences just narrated. A person may be diagnosed with clinical depression if they are experiencing depressed mood or loss of interest and pleasure plus at least five other adverse feelings during a two-week period or longer (DSM-IV-TR; American Psychological Association, 2000). When depression is at its worst, it can make people withdraw from ordinary pleasures and concentration may become very poor. Some people with depression report a sense of hopelessness and can experience suicidal feelings or ideations as a result (APA, 2000). Clinical depression can occur alongside different disorders and be multifaceted in its presentation (e.g. Akiskal et al., 2005). It is probably fair to say depression does not occur in every country across the world in the way we view it in the West. Other cultures may label it as something different. For example, Kleinman (1980, as cited in Bentall, 2003) found Western depression and a Chinese condition called Neurasthenia to be the same thing, although expressed in different ways. Given this, I question how useful our depression label is. This essay is however, directed by the title and the focus of this essay will therefore follow the DSM-IV-TR definition of depression. According to the Office for National Statistics clinical depression is experienced by 10% of the British Population at any one time. Depression is a diagnosis of increasing popularity, and was once referred to as the common cold of psychiatry (Seligman, 1975 as cited in Hawton et al., 2000). It is estimated that there are over 6 million people in England alone who are designated as from minority ethnic groups (Department of Health (DoH), 2003). Much of our current knowledge of depression in UK African-Caribbean people relies on limited research showing inconsistent results. I feel such statistics often lead to misdiagnosis, as clinicians are informed by research and policy. In order to avoid statistical discrimination I have therefore not included any data displaying suggested prevalence rates of depression in this population. Chakraborty McKenzie (2002) points out that early studies were criticized for methodological problems, but argues that more recent studies have attempted to advocate more rigorous methodology. More recent studies tend to suggest a high prevalence of depression in African-Caribbean populations (e.g. Nazroo, 1997 as cited in Chakraborty McKenzie, 2002). Interestingly, it is also thought that depression is underecognised and undertreated in African- Caribbeans, especially in primary care (Ahmed Bhugra, 2006). To what extent is membership of an ethnic minority group influential in the process of diagnosis of people experiencing depression? In the recent Inside Outside UK national initiative (Department of Health, 2003) a well-established link between health care disparities and ethnicity is claimed and structures are recommended which target this. I question the wider implications of producing such documents as it appears to suggest people should be viewed differently according to their ethnic status. As Lewis-Fernandez Diaz (2002) rightly point out, even people who share the same ethnic minority status can differ, as ethnic groups are culturally heterogeneous. As noted above, membership of an ethnic group is not a static thing and there are vast differences within an ethnic group as well as outside of it. I can relate to this as I often have difficulties when completing the ethnic status box on equal opportunities forms. Although I would class myself as white-British my father is Italian-American and my mother is Swiss, hence I have four passports. I normally choose to categorize myself as British however this someti mes changes to white-other or white-American depending on where I have been living. In my experience, I feel the desire to categorize people in society outweighs the usefulness of doing so. Given the increasingly multicultural climate of the UK it may not always be accurate to state that white people are of the dominant origin however statistically that is currently the case. This means that the relatively recent surge in interest and attention on differences of ethnic groups in mental health is often taken from an essentialist perspective (Giles Middleton, 1999), where differences are observed from my or our perspective. Claims made in research detailing differences between ethnic groups also encourage categorizing of individuals, which simply creates an othering between groups. Othering has been explained as a way to serve and mark those thought to be different from oneself (Weis, 1995 as cited in Grove Zwi, 2005). There is a concern for me that by focusing on the differences between African-Caribbeans and whites, or any other ethnic minority simply serves to reinforce the idea of racial differences and segregation. Institutional racism is a form of discrimination, which stems from the notion that groups should be treated differently according to phenotypic difference (McKenzie, 1999). It has been suggested that it is widespread in the UK (Modood et al., 1997). It seems to me that if we are to eliminate racial disparities in mental health care; concordant with the aims of the recent Department of Health initiative (2003), we all need to look at the way we are talking and presenting our ideas around this. For the reasons just discussed I will now attempt to present a view that is balanced and allows disparities of depression in African-Caribbean people to be seen in a relational context. Whilst I will describe potential areas of difference, the aim is not to stereotype people according to their ethnicity. Presentation The bodily styles of experiencing and expressing distress may be different for some people of African-Caribbean origin living in the UK than people from other ethnic backgrounds. Some studies suggest they experience and present more somatic symptoms of depression, e.g. headaches, achy limbs (Comino et al, 2001). Comino and colleagues also contend that idioms of distress differ linguistically and can take the form of cultural metaphors. If clinicians do not recognize these symptoms as signs of distress I imagine some clients may be left feeling quite frustrated. For us, as therapists, this does make the process of diagnosis more complex. An awareness of the possibility of somatic presentations, with a view to enquiring about the clients understanding of them seems helpful. A unique approach for the assessment and understanding of somatic symptoms of depression and idioms of distress has been developed (Lewis-Fernandez Diaz, 2002). There have also been attempts at identifying the core symptoms of depression across different ethnic groups, although the last one is most probably outdated now. In their large cross-cultural study, Jablensky et al., (1981 as cited in Bhugra Ayonrinde, 2004) found nine common international symptoms of depression; sadness, joylessness, anxiety, tension, lack of energy, loss of interest, poor concentration and ideas of insufficiency, inadequacy and worthlessness. Perhaps doing more studies like this could help in us developing a more universal approach to symptom recognition. Despite the evidence, I do believe that symptom presentation of depression can vary for a number of reasons completely unrelated to an individuals ethnic minority status. Children were once considered a difficult and under diagnosed population as they often present with somatic symptoms (e.g. failure to make expected weight gains in very young children; Carson Cantwell, 1980) which makes it difficult to diagnose. Subsequently, rating scales and measures have been devised which are appropriate for different age groups and enable a conventional diagnosis to be made (Goodyer, 2001). People living with HIV may also present somatic symptoms of depression. Kalichman et al., (2000) suggest available methods for distinguishing overlapping symptoms should be utilised when assessing such individuals. It seems obvious to me that we have to adapt standard methods of recognizing depressive symptoms when dealing with the diversity that naturally occurs in human beings. Language is also thought to be a potential barrier (e.g. Unutuzer, 2002) in the diagnostic process of depression. African-Caribbean people may not always speak clear English but speak multiple local languages or with an accent. Whilst I know this happens, I could not find any research investigating the percentages of African-Caribbean people in the UK and their language abilities. This so-called barrier could therefore be perceived rather than actual; however I will briefly discuss methods to work with this in the clinical context. As stated in the aforementioned Inside Outside document (2003) mental health services now aim to be culturally capable, which includes tackling difficulties with language. There is no doubt in my mind that communication is a key element in diagnosis, and I know from personal experience that not being able to communicate in a locally understood language can cause people to feel isolated. Thus, ensuring language access for people who speak a language other t han English through appropriate interpreting/translating services is crucial. However, I do feel that this parallels a need for people who have other difficulties with language. For example, I am sure it can be difficult to identify depression in individuals who have suffered severely dehabilitating strokes or physical injuries where speech is severely impaired. My point is that there are an array of factors which influence the way people talk about their difficulties and how they are understood by clinicians. Not being able to speak the English language in a clear English accent is simply one of those factors. I feel the issue raised here is more related to how we work with diversity rather than how we work with ethnicity. Formulation As a trainee clinical psychologist involved in the diagnostic process of depression I am also concerned with the formulation process and how this is affected. The beliefs people have about the nature and causes of depression do differ between cultures. For example, Bhugra et al., (1997) identified some African and Asian cultures view depression as part of lifes ups and downs, rather than a treatable condition. From this perspective, many psychological models which aid us in understanding depression can account for the differing beliefs and experiences of people. For example, the Cognitive model of depression (Beck, 1967, 1976) suggests that peoples early experiences lead people to form beliefs or schemata about themselves and the world. These assumptions are thought to cause negative automatic thoughts which perpetuate symptoms of depression on five different levels; behavioural, motivational, affective, cognitive and somatic. Despite this model being quite flexible at face value, ho wever, the negative cognitive triad (Beck, 1976) is directed by the beliefs and experiences of the individual. This may not fit in with those from more collectivist cultures. Indeed, we know that social networks often play an important part in the belief systems of ethnic minority members (Bhugra Ayonrinde, 2004). Therefore, thinking more systemically may be particularly useful when considering individuals from ethnic minority groups. However, we do need to be cautious in making assumptions about what beliefs people from ethnic minorities have. There is a danger that in doing so, we may be able to formulate quicker but may also cause considerable distress to the client. I recently attended a mental health awareness course as part of my placement where an African Caribbean service user came to talk to us about her experiences of being in the mental health system. She described her first traumatic admission to hospital after a close suicide attempt at the age of nineteen. She told us it was persistently assumed by mental health staff that she had attempted suicide because she did not understand or fit in with the predominantly white community in her area. She told us how upset and misunderstood this made her feel, as this was not the case at all. On reflection, this highlights the importance of service-user feedback in clinical practice. The question I see appearing with regards is how we as clinicians in the UK can best explore the beliefs, experiences and background of the multicultural population we are working with in order to diagnose appropriately. As Fernandez Diaz rightly point out, to do this we need a systematic method for eliciting and evaluating cultural information in the clinical encounter (Lewis-Fernandez Diaz, 2002). There is a paucity of information debating ways to take this forward and models to encapsulate these ideas are currently being developed and tested in the USA. One such model is the Cultural Formulation model (Lewis-Fernandez Diaz, 2002), which is an expansion on the depression guidelines, published in the DSM-IV-TR. This innovative model consists of five components; assessing cultural identity, cultural explanations of the illness, cultural factors related to the psychosocial environment and levels of functioning, cultural elements of the clinician-client relationship and the overall impact of culture on diagnosis and care. I find this model very inclusive as it can still elicit very useful information about culturally-based norms, values and behaviours even when there is no ethnic difference between the clinician and the client. Whilst cultural differences exist within an ethnic group, they are not necessarily ethnicity-bound. For example, they can equally be associated with an individuals age, gender, socioeconomic status, educational background, family status and wider social network (Ahmed Bhugra, 2006). If this is the case, then I would say that it is important for clinicians to have a very exploratory and curious approach when assessing and diagnosing an individual in a mental health service, whether they are from an ethnic minority or not. To what extent is membership of an ethnic minority group influential in the process of treatment of people experiencing depression? Some people with depression get better without any treatment. However, living with depression can be challenging as it impacts many areas of an individuals life including relationships, employment, and their physical health. Therefore, many people with depression do try some form of treatment. This process usually begins at primary care level and then a collaborative decision is made between the patient and the clinician as to what treatment suits them best. It has been suggested that Africa-Caribbean people are less tolerant to antidepressant medication than whites (Cooper et al., 1993). Therefore this section of this essay will focus on the process of psychological treatments of depression. Treatments vary and have altered radically with the growing use of Cognitive Behavioural Therapy (CBT), which is based on the scientist-practitioner model and routinely offers outcome data (Whitfield Whitefield, 2003). In CBT, and in the majority of other talking therapies, treatment usually involves seeing a therapist for a number of sessions on a regular basis. Seeking help There appear to be two main potential barriers when it comes to the treatment of depressed clients from ethnic minorities. Firstly, the help-seeking behaviours of African-Caribbean and other ethnic minority groups have attracted considerable attention in the research domain. Members of the African-Caribbean population are thought to be less likely to seek professional treatment for psychological distress (e.g. Bhui et al., 2003). Whilst reading a mountain of papers listing reasons why the help-seeking behaviour of people from ethnic minorities is so different, a few ideas sprung to my mind. From my own experience when people are very depressed they may struggle to get motivated and make less use of the support available to them. Moreover, I wonder whether one it is a possibility that African-Caribbeans do not approach services as much because of negative experiences of the UK mental health system. I recall seeing an elderly Jamaican gentleman for an assessment last year whilst working as an Assistant in a Clinical Health department. Following the very limited referral information I had, I elicited his ideas about what brought him to our service. He told me that he had felt unable to cope with his low mood and intrusive thoughts for some while, however he did not feel able to seek help because a family member of his had been treated unfairly by mental health staff before. Perhaps the reasons for people not acc essing treatment are simpler than we think. In their study of reasons for exclusion of African-Caribbean people in mental health services, Mclean et al., (2003) found the types of interactions between staff and patients strongly associated with disparities in treatment. They encourage positive, non-judgmental interactions as the first step on the path to social inclusion of mental health services (Mclean et al., 2003). Their study reminded me of a report I read recently on placement about the Circles of Fear (Salisbury Centre for Mental Health, 2002). Essentially, this report stipulates that people from ethnic minorities tend to have a more negative experience of the mental health system. People may then fear the consequences of becoming involved with it and avoid contact. This leads me to believe that we (the health service) are very much part of the reason why such individuals may not seek help. Geography may also be a reason for varying help-seeking behaviour. People living in rural areas are thought to be at risk of facing isolation and discrimination in mental health treatment (Barry et al., 2000). I do think there is something valuable about looking at populations which services are not reaching. However, it has just struck me that writing about the help-seeking behaviour of people can come across as quite blaming and puts the responsibility very much with the individual. Whatever the reason, if minority members are less likely to get appropriate care, I feel the focus should be on how to engage different members of society in effective care for depression. Fortunately, depressed people who fail to seek help for treatment can often be identified and treated in general medical settings (Shulberg et al., 1999). One study also suggests that the majority of people who are depressed do want help, regardless of their ethnicity (Dwight-Johnson et al., 1997). What I find particu larly interesting is that the desire for help seems to be related to the severity of the depression in precedence of their ethnic minority status. Thus it appears that ethnicity, severity of depression, geographical location, previous experiences with the mental health system and beliefs about what help is available all influence help-seeking behaviour. Psychological Treatment The second claimed difficulty in the treatment of African-Caribbean people who are depressed is poor attendance rates and incompletion of treatment (Bhugra Ayonrinde, 2004). There are also claims that African-Caribbean people are more likely to experience a poorer outcome from treatment. Given that the search for a biological cause for disparities in treatment success rates has not been fruitful we must turn our focus to other explanations. For example, we now know that the relationship between the therapist and client is a key component of treatment outcome (Hovarth Greenberg, 1994). As such, I am going to focus on those explanations which link to the therapeutic alliance. There are few empirical studies which explore how ethnic differences affect the therapeutic alliance and these have consisted mostly of client preferences. Cultural unfamiliarity may act as interference to some African-Caribbean people staying in psychological treatment (Davidson, 1987). In their study of secondary school students, Uhlemann et al., (2004) looked at how being an ethnic minority therapist affected relationships in a counselling setting. They found ethnic minority counsellors were perceived more favorably than white-Caucasian counsellors. Most students believed therapists were less able to understand or empathize with them if the therapist was ethnically different. In another study Coleman et al., (1995) surveyed studies comparing ethnic minority clients preferences of therapists, being ethnically similar or ethnically dissimilar. They found that in most cases clients preferred therapists of similar ethnic background, particularly those with strong cultural attachments. I acknowledge that this may be something to be aware of as a therapist; however I do not think this in itself would put people off psychological treatment. It might be useful for us as therapists to address this issue and to do so early on in the treatment process. One way of doing this could be to address any obvious ethnic differences and explore together how it may affect the given relationship. This may also help the process of understanding which is deemed very important in strengthening the therapeutic alliance. Whilst this is something I will try and be aware of in my practice, I also feel it is important to present this discussion in a realistic and in context. From my experience as a trainee, the age and amount of experience a therapist is far more valuable and influential than the ethnic status of a therapist. One lady I saw recently had difficulty accepting me as her therapist for the simple fact that she worried about how much I would be able to help her in comparison to a qualified clinical psychologist. There was also an ethnic difference between us but this was did not cause her concern. Similarly, Coleman et al., (1995) asked clients individuals in their study to list the characteristics of a competent therapist in order of importance. Sure enough, they found that people placed ethnic similarity below that of other characteristics such as educational ability, maturity, gender, personality and attitude. I think this illuminates just how important it is for us to tailor the treatment process to the individual needs and concerns of the client. Is a more holistic approach to psychological treatment of depression the answer? I do wonder whether CBT, the current preferred model of treatment, will soon lose its popularity. The somewhat prescriptive nature of CBT for depression may mean the varying needs of people in our multicultural climate are not being met. Rather than creating new and separate treatment models or services for ethnic minority clients, perhaps we should be embracing ones which encourage clients to lead the treatment. One model I find demonstrates this is the Recovery model. Recovery from mental illness is seen as a personal journey and the unique experiences of each individual are valued and explored (Jacobson Greenley, 2001). Treatment using this model works around helping the client gain hope, a secure base, supportive relationships, empowerment, social inclusion, coping skills, and finding meaning to their experiences. Although used more with individuals experiencing major mental health problems, I think the principles are very inclusive and useful for the treatment of any mental health problem, including depression. Of course, I have only touched upon one model and there are many more which embrace individual differences. Reflective statement As a current trainee on my adult mental health placement, I cannot pretend that I am able to provide an objective nor extensively experienced view. I am also aware that I am at the beginning of my first placement, in a service which very much promotes recovery from mental illness through understanding the individual rather than categorically through their psychiatric label. Whilst this may have had an influence over my stance towards the essay topic, I have witnessed the positive effects in my clinical work of not categorizing people and feel that this has indicated some valid concerns. Upon finishing this essay it came to mind that that the buoyancy of the essay may be a reflection of the ideas and questions I have been grappling with as part of my practice on placement. However, these ideas are by no means a closed deal and I continue to work with them in an applied context. Furthermore, I acknowledge that had I chosen to present this essay assuming that it was the therapist who was a member of an ethnic minority, my essay and conclusions may be very different. How will writing this essay affect my practice as a Trainee Clinical psychologist? I do feel we are in a contentious situation. If we treat people differently according to any issue of diversity we run the risk of perpetuating institutional racism. On the other side of the coin, if we work with everybody in exactly the same way and try and fit people in to Eurocentric systems then we run the risk of ignoring important cultural differences. What I will take from this is the importance of being sensitive to peoples backgrounds and experiences and investigation of what makes them who they are. I will definitely attempt to bring more flexibility, curiosity and receptiveness to my practice and acknowledge when there is a noticeable difference between myself and the client in the therapeutic setting. Conclusion In conclusion, membership of an ethnic minority group may influence the diagnosis and treatment process in how people experience depression, present to services and possibly how they proceed with psychological treatments. If we are to diagnose and treat depression through a Euro centric lens, we should be embracing the use of models which allow for cultural diversity in the diagnosis and treatment of depression. However, as I hope I have demonstrated in my writing, no two people in a therapeutic setting will ever be exactly the same. So how useful is it to continually focus on ethnic differences when they are just one drop in the ocean of diversity? Perhaps instead we need a shift in the dominant discourses surrounding ethnic differences in mental health? The real challenge I think we face is understanding how the identity of the individual contributes to the diagnosis and treatment of depression.

English: The Art to Modern Communication Essay

1.0 Introduction Saudi Arabia, the oil rich country of the Middle East, has a modern military to take care of its national security. Constantly trained and supported by the western powers of the United States and United Kingdom, the King Khalid Military Academy is a prestigious institute of modern warfare. Taught by ex-British and ex-American military commanders, the institute has just about the best cadets passing out with distinction in the country. The institute is so well organized, that even the members of the Saudi Arabia national guards receive training here. The King Khalid Military Academy trains the tribal recruits who guard the royal family from external and internal uncertainties. This team, called the SANG, is the Saudi Arabia National Guards (Military, 2005). The problem facing the national guards is that they know little English, the medium of instruction by the ex-British and American military personnel. With their limited exposure, these loyal tribal have adjusted to the training programmes well. However, they are still not fluent enough to learn or understand modern techniques imparted to them through English, fast enough. This has been a drawback to the Royal family’s security. Despite the constant motivation the students get from the King Khalid Military Academy, there has not been much of a change in their outlook on the foreign language. Considering the sensitivity of such teachings, my quest to learn and then impart training in English to these students at King Khalid Military Academy assumes significance. 2.0 English as an International Language In the context of the economic, social and political dimensions, many nations are moving ahead with the objective of becoming a competitive knowledge-based economy in the world by the end of the decade. The use of English as an international language has been brought about by the spread of English globally. This has resulted in English undergoing a variety of changes on grammatical, lexical, and phonological levels. The way English is being spoken, it is almost certain that in the near future; English will become unintelligible (Teaching English as an International Language, Oxford University Press).[1] Teaching English as an international language has a lot of challenges. Cultural, social and political dimensions have to be considered in the context of teaching a foreign language. Take for instance the teaching of English in a non-national language country. The tension of globalization in language learning and teaching constitutes three very important dimensions. These are: †¢ Ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity in the local communities †¢ The prevalence of English †¢ Nationalism endorsed by linguistic and cultural essentialism. These three elements can be conceptualized in different ways. We see that the first and second dimensions have a direct bearing on a country’s national identity. These two dimensions stimulate the third dimension, nationalism. Teaching under such a situation is very challenging and must be handled with care (David Block and Deborah Cameron, 2001)[2]. English as a global language caught the imagination of people around the globe, due to globalization. Despite ethnic and cultural differences, people have accepted that there is the need for a common language to communicate at all levels. Cultural and linguistic diversity, while stimulating respect for cultural identity, traditions and religions, is essential to the development of an Information Society based on the dialogue among cultures; regional and international cooperation. It is an important factor for sustainable development. Without this, development activities would get hampered. English is prevalent in every country around the world. English has been accepted as the global language due to its frequent usage by people in the bureaucracy and aristocracy. Business dealings are made in English and unless people learn to read, speak and write in English, the chances of them being ignored is not remote (UNESCO, 2005)[3]. 3.0  Ã‚  Ã‚   Motivation Motivation is an integral part of student training. For a foreigner to learn another language requires a lot of motivation. English is perhaps a language that requires the minimum amount of strain, as it has very limited number of alphabets and is widely spoken. Considering that most people in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia speak Arabic, there is a substantial import of English speaking personnel here. Motivation to learn a foreign language has to come from within an individual. There is a lot of talk of students being motivated to perform well in studies, sports, and social activities. These come naturally, however when students are given the option to learn a foreign language or any other language, they back down immediately. Why is this so? Many parts of the Middle East speak only Arabic and to an extent Urdu. English though is spoken by the expatriates, is confined to the business and educational sectors only. English is not necessary for them manage their business or daily life. It is when they travel outside the Middle East do they require to speak another language, which is, English. This should be the motivation required for the students of the King Khalid Military Academy to learn English. In a classroom, the more the students the harder it is to motivate. No two students will think alike. Motivation becomes that much harder and the teacher is left with very little options to perform. There are no small measures to motivate students, as they all have different levels of motivation. There are various factors that determine a student’s motivation level; factors such as self confidence and self-esteem, and attitude to do well. Motivation can be either intrinsic or extrinsic. Intrinsic comes from within the individual, while extrinsic is what teachers try to inculcate. However, both these are related to the goal orientation of the student. Intrinsic motivation is determined by an interest in learning and mastery, curiosity and preference for challenge and leads to a mastery goal orientation. Extrinsic motivation is determined by external sources. Teachers find it easier to motivate students through external methods, which include rewards, promotions, appreciations, cash incentives, and teacher/parent approvals that lead to performance goal orientation. These two types of motivation will therefore influence the type of learning and the strategies that a student can use to progress academically. Performance goal orientation which in most cases is directed by extrinsic motivation focuses on one’s ability and self worth. But here ability is evidenced by doing better than others and/or by achieving success with little effort. Should they come across hardship, they tend to give up. On the other hand, students with intrinsic motivation are self-stressors. They try to attain further competence and are mastery goal oriented. They see school as the first step to gaining competence. They engage in learning for self-fulfillment. The use of praise and rewards as a motivating factor has been debated and researched for a long time. It is possible that rewards, in particular, may only have an effect on extrinsic motivation. On the other hand rewards are widely used; from stickers, to tokens and privileges, to encourage students to engage in a particular activity. The question is whether the rewards are effective in short-term engagements and in long-term development of meaningful learning practices. Motivation for one may be a punishment for another. Similarly, there is the danger that a reward for one student could turn out to be a punishment for another. We see that many universities in the UK and U.S.A offer scholarships to deserving students to pursue higher studies abroad. This is perhaps the best example of motivation levied to students. Under normal conditions, for a foreign or even an American student to pay fees for professional courses are exorbitantly high and out of reach. In such a situation, universities seek the best students to enhance their reputation and offer scholarships. Once the student completes the study, he/she is assured of a good job. 4.0 Consideration Considering the English is mandatory to study abroad, students in Saudi Arabia need to be motivated to learn English. Three main factors are important in the consideration of how to motivate students in the classroom Autonomy versus control Optimal challenge to the students The involvement of the teacher Teachers must be equally motivated to teach their students. In order to do so, teachers must the following conditions: A supportive learning environment An appropriate level of challenge of tasks and activities Learning objectives must be relevant and meaningful A moderate or optimal use of motivational strategies (Marilyn Robb, 2001) 5.0  Ã‚  Ã‚   Conclusion English as an additional language has many positives. It allows people easy access to information, communicating and friendship. English is spoken by a majority of people the world over and has come to being recognized as the true international language. Universities, colleges and schools in most countries teach in English, and if we are to compete or study along with them English learning becomes a prerogative. When evaluated. The positives of English outlast the negatives. Thus we see that motivation to learn English should be given the most favored status in this country, and especially in the King Khalid Military Academy.

Rurality in Post Industrial Society

Paper prepared for the conference ‘New Forms of Urbanization: Conceptualizing and Measuring Human Settlement in the Twenty-first Century’, organized by the IUSSP Working Group on Urbanization and held at the Rockefeller Foundation’s Study and Conference Center in Bellagio, Italy, 11-15 March 2002. Paper 14 THE NATURE OF RURALITY IN POST INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY By David L. Brown and John B. Cromartie? Draft 2/15/02 INTRODUCTION Urbanization is a dynamic social and economic process that transforms societies from primarily rural to primarily urban ways of life (Hauser, 1965). Few would dispute this definition, but how useful is it for examining the spatial reorganization of population and economic activities in postindustrial societies where a large majority of people, jobs, and organizations are concentrated in or dominated by urban agglomerations? The essence of this question hinges on our ability to differentiate between what is rural and urban in postindustrial societies. While this may have been a relatively straightforward task during the late 19th and early to mid 20th centuries, it has become an exceedingly complex question in the context of postindustrialization. We acknowledge the helpful comments of Calvin Beale, Kai Schafft, Laszlo Kulcsar, and the conference organizers Tony Champion and Graeme Hugo. Brenda Creeley prepared the manuscript. Early social scientists saw urbanization and industrialization as being reciprocally related. One process could not proceed without the other. While most scholars understood that urban and rural were not ent irely discrete categories, relatively clear lines could be drawn to distinguish urban from rural communities and distinct ways of life associated with each. In addition, early social scientists were convinced that the transformation from rural to urban-industrial society would be accompanied by a wide range of negative social outcomes. In fact, this concern is generally credited with motivating the rise of the new discipline of Sociology (Marx, 1976; Durkheim, 1951; Weber, 1968; Wirth, 1938). The social and economic organization of community life has been thoroughly transformed by technological and institutional changes since the mid 20th century. Accordingly, notions of what constitutes urban and rural communities that grew out of the era of industrialization may no longer offer a reliable lens with which to view contemporary settlement structures. They may no longer provide a reliable delineation of what is urban and what is rural, and consequently we may not be able to determine whether the level of urbanization is advancing, declining, or remaining constant. As a consequence, our analyses of population redistribution may bear little connection to the reality of spatial reorganization. The large literature on counter-urbanization, to which we are both contributors, may be missing the mark because it depends on data systems and geo-coding schemes that reflect a prior era of socio-spatial organization. Hence, our purpose in this paper is to propose a multidimensional approach for conceptualizing rurality that reflects the demographic, social, economic and institutional realities of postindustrial society. We agree with Halfacree (1993: p. 4) that â€Å"†¦the quest for an all-embracing definition of the rural is neither desirable nor feasible,† but we believe that social science can and should develop conceptual frameworks and geo-coding schemes to situate localities according to their degree of rurality. Since rurality is a multidimensional concept, the degree of rurality should be judged against a composite definition that includes key social, economic and demographic attributes. This approach rejects the notion of rural as a residual (after urban has be en measured). The operationalization of rurality should be flexible enough to differentiate urban from rural, while recognizing and appreciating the diversity contained within each category. Our approach to defining 2 rurality involves the material aspects of localities, but we acknowledge the validity of other approaches. As Halfacree and others have observed, rurality can be defined as a social representation. Or as he puts it, â€Å"the rural as space, and the rural as representing space† should be distinguished (1993: 34). We do not propose to debate the relative merits of the material and representational approaches in this paper. Each has a respected tradition in social science. Our sociodemographic approach is inspired by previous work of Paul Cloke, 1977 and 1986, while the social representation approach’s pedigree includes Moscovici, 1981, Giddens, 1984, and many other highly respected scholars. We feel that these approaches are complementary rather than competitive. As Martin Lewis has observed, â€Å"In the end, only by combining the insights of the new geography with those of the traditional approaches may human relatedness be adequately reconceptualized† (1991: 608). However, we emphasize the socioeconomic approach in this paper because of its utility for informing statistical practice essential to the quantitative empirical study of urbanization. Why Do We Need To Know What Is Rural In Postindustrial Society? At the most basic level, urbanization cannot be understood without also examining the nature of rurality. Perhaps it is axiomatic, but urbanization cannot proceed in postindustrial society unless rural people and communities persist and are at risk of â€Å"becoming urban. While there is copious evidence that rural-urban differences have diminished during the latter half of the 20th century, important differences have been shown to persist structuring the lives people live and the opportunities available to them (Brown and Lee, 1999; Fuguitt, et al. , 1989). In addition, what we believe about rural people and communities sets the agenda for public policy. The American public, for example, holds a strong pro-rural and/or antiurban bias that provides continuing support for agricultural and rural programs (Kellogg Foundation, 2002; RUPRI, 1995; Willits, et al. 1990), and quite possibly promotes population deconcentration (Brown, et al. , 1997). However, research has demonstrated that this pro-rural bias is based on nostalgic positive images of rural places, and a misunderstanding of the social and economic realities of rural life (Willits, et al. , 1990). What people value in rural communities is often formed â€Å"at a distance,† through literature, art and music, not through actual experience. As John Logan (1996: 26) has observed, â€Å"A 3 large share of what we value is the mythology and symbolism of rural places, rather than their reality. Accordingly, more reliable research-based information about the social and economic organization of rural areas, their role in national society, polity and economy, and their relative share of a nation’s population and economic activity will provide a stronger bas is for public policy. Bringing beliefs about rural areas into closer connection with empirical reality will improve the fit between rural problems and opportunities, public priorities, and the targeting of public investments. HOW CAN THE NATURE OF POSTINDUSTRIAL RURALITY BE DETERMINED? The Conventional Approach: Rural-urban classification in most national statistical systems typically involves two mutually exclusive categories. In most highly developed societies, (North America, Western Europe, Oceania, and Japan) the rural-urban delineation is based solely on population size and/or density (United Nations, 1999). It is not that government statisticians don’t understand that rurality is a variable not a discrete dichotomy, that the rural-urban distinction is somewhat arbitrary regardless of the population size or density threshold chosen, or that neither the rural nor the urban category is homogeneous. However, given their responsibilities for monitoring basic aspects of social organization and social change, and for providing data tabulations to the public, to businesses, and to other government agencies, the elemental need is to develop a geographic schema that makes intuitive sense, and where between category variability exceeds internal differentiation. It has not been realistic to expect statistical agencies to adopt a complex multidimensional delineation of rurality given the realities and politics of statistical practice in which budget constraints, and competition between stake holder groups determine which items are included on censuses and other large scale public surveys, and which variables are routinely included in tabulations and data products. However, the development of GIS techniques, and new advances in small area data collection and availability suggest that more flexibility and variability in geo-coding may be possible in the future. Hence, while we do not necessarily expect statistical agencies to adopt our multidimensional approach, we believe that it raises important questions about conventional methodologies for assessing the level and pace of urbanization in highly developed nations. 4 OMB’s New Core Based System: A Step In The Right Direction: The public availability of summary tape files from censuses and other nationwide surveys, provides significant opportunities for inquiry by university-based and government scientists into the extent and nature of rurality in postindustrial societies. In effect, analysts can design their own residential categorization schemes to examine various aspects of settlement structure and change. And, innovative research experimenting with alternative categorization systems can eventually contribute to changes in official statistical practice. For example, 25 years of research by social scientists in the USDA’s Economic Research Service (ERS) and in academia is ar guably responsible for persuading the U. S. Office of Management and Budget (OMB) that an undifferentiated nonmetropolitan category is not defensible (Duncan and Reiss, 1956; Butler and Beale, 1994). As early as 1975, ERS was recommending that the nonmetropolitan category be disaggregated according to the degree of urbanization. In a major publication released in that year, Hines, Brown and Zimmer showed that more populous nonmetropolitan counties, especially those adjacent to metropolitan areas, were more similar to metropolitan areas than to their nonmetropolitan counterparts. OMB has now modified its official geo-coding scheme to recognize diversity within nonmetropolitan America. OMB has instituted a â€Å"core based statistical area classification system† that recognizes that both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan territory can be integrated with a population center. The new CBSA classification system establishes a micropolitan category as a means of distinguishing between nonmetropolitan areas that are integrated with centers of 10,000 to 49,999 population, and nonmetropolitan territory that is not integrated with any particular population center of 10,000 or more inhabitants (OMB, 2000). 2 Metropolitan counties contain 79 percent of the U. S. opulation and 21 percent of its land area in the new classification scheme while the 1 In the United States and some other postindustrial countries, two residential categorizations are used: urban vs. rural and metropolitan vs. nonmetropolitan. Some writers use these concepts interchangeably, but even though their respective shares of the nation’s total population have tracked quite closely during recent decades, they are different concepts. What is similar between them, however, is that rural and nonmetropolitan are both residuals that are left over once urban settlement is accounted for. Hence, the rural population includes all residents of places of less than 2,500 and persons who live outside of urbanized areas while the nonmetropolitan population includes all persons who live outside of metropolitan counties (counties containing or integrated with a place of 50,000 persons). 2 Social scientists have also objected to the use of counties as building blocks for the nation’s metropolitan geography, but the new OMB standards have retained counties in the new classification system (Morrill, Cromartie and Hart, 1999). 5 ercentages are exactly reversed for nonmetropolitan territory. The nonmetropolitan population is almost evenly split between micropolitan and noncore based areas, although the former category contains 582 counties while the latter has 1668. The data in tables 1-3 show substantial diversity between micropolitan and noncore based areas, and demonstrate the importance of distinguishing between these two types of counties. To begin with, the average mi cropolitan county has 45,875 persons compared with only 15,634 persons in the average noncore based area. The data in Table 1 also show that micropolitan counties have 43 persons per square mile while only 12 persons live on each square mile of noncore based territory. [Table 1 here] Table 2 compares social and economic characteristics of persons living in various types of U. S. counties. In each instance these data show regular patterns of decline as one moves from the largest metropolitan counties to noncore based counties. For example, almost half of all metropolitan persons have attended college compared about one third of nonmetropolitan residents, but only 31 percent of noncore based adults have been to college compared with 37 percent of persons living in micropolitan counties. Metropolitan workers are more dependent on jobs in service industries while their nonmetropolitan counterparts depend more heavily on farming and manufacturing, although these differences are not strikingly large. Within the nonmetropolitan category, however, dependence on farming is over twice as high in noncore based counties compared with micropolitan areas, and small but consistently smaller percentages of noncore based employees work in manufacturing, retail and services jobs. Similarly, professional, technical managerial and administrative occupations comprise a much larger share of metropolitan than nonmetropolitan jobs, and a larger share in micropolitan than in noncore based counties. Data on earnings per job (displayed in the bottom panel of Table 2) show that noncore based workers earn less than their micropolitan counterparts in all industrial categories, and their earnings are consistently the lowest of any county type in the U. S. [Table 2 here] We have also examined whether micropolitan areas are more â€Å"metropolitan† than noncore based counties with respect to the presence of various services and facilities typically associated with metropolitan status (Beale, 1984). We conducted a mail survey 6 f the heads of county government in a 10 percent random sample of noncore based areas, and in 20 percent of micropolitan and small metropolitan areas. We have only received about 40 percent of the questionnaires from the county executives at this time, so the data in Table 3 are provisional. 3 However, these preliminary results reveal that central counties of small metropolitan areas are clearly differentiated from both nonmetropolitan categories. In all t welve instances the presence of these â€Å"metropolitan functions† is most prevalent in small metropolitan counties, and least available in noncore based areas. Micropolitan areas, however, appear to be more similar to small metropolitan areas than to noncore based counties. Hence, OMB’s new system seems to be a step in the right direction from the undifferentiated nonmetropolitan residential. It does a good job of distinguishing between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas, and between micropolitan and noncore based areas outside of the metropolitan category. [Table 3 here] While we applaud the OMB’s new classification system as a step toward recognizing rural diversity, we believe that it is just that, one step. We recommend that social science research further examine the multidimensional nature of rurality in order to enhance understanding of the extent of urban and rural settlement and urbanization in postindustrial societies, and to guide future modifications of official statistical geography. A MULTIDIMENSIONAL APPROACH TO CONCEPTUALIZING RURALITY IN POSTINDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES As mentioned earlier, our multidimensional approach elaborates and extends earlier work by Paul Cloke (1977; 1986). The basic notion is that while urban and rural have intrinsic meaning, both concepts derive much of their analytical power when compared with the other. Low population density, for example, has important meaning in and of itself, but its meaning is further clarified when low rural density is compared with the high ratio of persons to space found in urban regions. 4 Cloke’s objective was to develop a 3 We are now involved in the refusal conversion process and hope to obtain at least a 60 percent response rate. Moreover, attitudes about urban and rural areas are formed on the basis of the attributes people believe characterize such areas, but these attitudes also reflect people’s opinions of how rural and urban areas differ 4 7 quantitative statement of rurality that could be used as a basis for comparative studies among rural areas, and between them and urban areas. He used principal components analysis to identify nine variables associated with rural-urban location. Principal components loading scores were then used as weighting criteria to form an index of rurality. The resulting scores were arrayed in quartiles ranging from extreme rural to extreme non-rural, and each of England’s and Wales’ administrative districts was assigned to one of these four categories. In 1986, Cloke replicated his 1971 index. His second study showed that while most districts were classified in the same rural-urban category in both 1971 and 1981, some districts changed categories over the decade, and the nature of rurality itself was marginally transformed over time. He found that the variables differentiating rural from urban areas in 1981 were somewhat different than those used in the initial analysis. In particular, population decline and net out migration were important rural attributes in 1971, during a period of population concentration, but not in the 1981 analysis after the relative rates of rural-urban population change and net migration had reversed in favor of the periphery. The 1981 revision included 8 variables. Positive variable loadings on five of the eight factors indicated that they corresponded to urban characteristics (high level of housing occupancy, high percentage of workers outcommuting, high percentage of women in childbearing ages, high level of household amenities, and high population density) while negative loadings on the remaining three variables corresponded to rural characteristics (high involvement in extractive industries, disproportionate number of older persons, and distance from an urban area of 50,000 population). It is important to point out at this juncture that neither Cloke nor we are geographic determinists, e. g. , we do not contend that the type of environment people live in has an independent causal effect on their attitudes and behavior. On the other hand, we believe that spatial locality is more than simply a setting in which social and economic relationships occur. Our position is that a person’s place of residence in a nation’s settlement system can shape social and economic outcomes, and can have a profound impact on life chances (Brown and Lee, 1999). While a growing number of social from each other. Accordingly, the public’s overall positive attitude toward rural people and areas is a combination of â€Å"pro-rural† and â€Å"anti-urban† attitudes. 8 scientists agree that space should be incorporated into social theory and research, there is little agreement on the manner in which space enters into social behavior. The debate hinges on the question of whether spatial arrangements are an elemental cause of social behavior, or whether space acts in a more contingent manner. Our position is consistent with the latter view; that space has an important but contingent causative role in social relations. Hence, we see value in distinguishing rural from urban areas because we contend that rural-urban variations in socioeconomic status, for example, can only be understood by taking into account how contingent characteristics of rural and urban places modify the access to opportunities. In other words, we are saying that local social structure contextualizes social and economic behavior. We do not question the existence of fundamental social relationships, but we observe that these relationships are modified by spatial variability in social and economic contexts. Linking back to the status attainment example, education is positively related to income in all locations, but the strength of this relationship varies across local labor markets depending on their industrial and occupational structures. Education matters everywhere, but returns to education are higher in some spatial contexts than in others depending on the availability of well paying jobs and on the nature of the stratification system (Duncan, 1999). Dimensions of Rurality in the United States at the Turn of the Century: Cloke’s approach to defining rurality was largely inductive. His choice of variables was not shaped by a clearly defined theoretical framework for distinguishing rural from urban, although they were suggested by the literature as being important aspects of the sociospatial environment. Neither do we claim that our approach emanates from a wellcrafted theory of rurality, but we do start with a clear premise about four distinct dimensions that comprise rural environments in postindustrial societies. We then choose indicators for each domain that have been shown in the research literature to vary across rural-urban space. The concept of rurality we are proposing involves ecological, economic, institutional, and sociocultural dimensions. In this section of the paper we discuss each of these four dimensions in turn, and propose a set of indicators that could be used to empirically develop a composite measure of rurality. We follow Willits and Bealer (1967) in observing that a composite definition of rurality involves both the attributes of rural areas themselves, and the attributes of persons residing in such areas. Figure 1 shows 9 the four dimensions of rurality, indicators of each dimension, and the contrasting rural vs. rban situation for each indicator. Our approach indicates the attributes that define rurality, and it does so in a comparative framework vis a vis urbanity. [Figure 1 here] The Ecological Dimension: Population size, population density, spatial situation within a settlement system and natural resource endowments are included in this dimension. As indicated earlier, conventional statis tical practice typically emphasizes this approach. Urban vs. rural delineations are usually defined by a size and/or a density threshold, while metropolitan vs. onmetropolitan delineations use size and density criteria to identify central cities and measures of geographic access such as physical distance or commuting to signify the interdependence of peripheral areas. Hope Tisdale’s (1942) influential article provides one of the clearest theoretical statements for the size/density delineation, while central place theory is the primary theoretical basis for considering geographic location vis-a-vis other places in a settlement system (Berry, 1967). The ecological dimension also includes a consideration of the natural environment. As shown in Table 1, 79 percent of land in the United States is found outside of officially recognized metropolitan areas, and 61 percent is located in noncore based areas. While this tells volumes about density, it also indicates that most of America’s natural resources are located in its rural territory. Energy, minerals, land for agricultural production, water, and habitat for wild life are all found disproportionately in the rural sector, and this is an important aspect of the nation’s rurality during the postindustrial era. The Economic Dimension: This dimension concerns the organization of economic activity in local economies. It focuses on what people do for a living, the size and composition of local economies, and the linkages between local economic activities and national and global capital. Until the mid 20th century, rural and agriculture while not synonymous were very closely related, and definitions of rural were heavily influenced by measures of dependence on agriculture and other extractive industries. Rural economies were small and undifferentiated both in terms of establishments and workers, and localities had a relatively high degree of economic autonomy. 10 Many people continue to view rural areas through this archaic lens, even though local economies have been fundamentally restructured during the past 50 years. Direct dependence on agriculture, forestry, mining and fisheries has declined to less than one in ten nonmetropolitan workers although extractive industries continue to dominate economic activity in particular regions of the U. S. (Cook and Mizer, 1994). There is no denying that economic activities in rural and urban America have become much more similar since World War II. Not only has dependence on extractive industries declined throughout the country, but so has dependence on manufacturing, and most economic growth is now accounted for by services. However, the jobs available in rural labor markets continue to be significantly different than urban jobs. Rural manufacturing is more likely to be nondurable than urban manufacturing, and well paying producer services jobs are seldom available in rural economies. Moreover, research shows that full time rural workers earn less than urban workers regardless of their industry of employment, and that rural employment is significantly more likely to be part time and/or seasonal (Gale and McGranahan, 2001). While these rural-urban differences in employment do not adhere to the traditional farm-nonfarm contours, they show that opportunities available in rural labor markets are clearly inferior to those available in urban America, and that rural and urban areas can be differentiated with respect to how people make a living. Rural economies have traditionally been smaller than urban economies in terms of number of workers, the number and size of establishments, and the gross value of products or services sold. Of the three indicators of rural economic activity, this one has changed the least over time even though the decentralization of urban based branch plants has brought some large employers to particular rural areas. Moreover, rural economies have been much more dependent on one or a few types of economic activity than urban economies, and this too remains an important rural-urban difference. The â€Å"protection of distance† enjoyed (or suffered) by rural economies has clearly diminished in recent decades. Technological changes including all weather roads, the interstate highway system, virtually universal telephone service (now including cell phones), and the internet have greatly reduced rural isolation. This is not to deny that some important inequalities in transportation and communication infrastructure persist 11 between rural and urban areas, but for the most part the effect of physical distance has been substantially leveled by technological advances. Institutional changes, especially the increased mobility of capital, have further diminished rural economic independence. The deregulation of banking means that capital now flows easily to and from metro bank centers and the rural periphery. This has both positive and negative implications for particular rural communities, but the clear result is that rural economies are increasingly integrated within national and global structures. With this change comes a resulting decline of local autonomy and increased dependence on extra-local firms and organizations. This makes rural areas at the same time more attractive sites for certain types of external investment, and more likely to lose traditional employers because of financial decisions made elsewhere. There is little room for sentiment in the globalized economy, including sentiment for rural communities as valued â€Å"home places. † When the bottom line demands it, capital flows across national borders to production sites with low costs and few regulations, locating and relocating according to the demands of the market. The Institutional Dimension: Communities are institutionalized solutions to the problems of everyday life. Accordingly, some social scientists view communities as configurations of institutional spheres including education, religion, governance, the economy, etc. (Rubin, 1969). While we do not necessarily subscribe to this functionalist view of community organization, there is no denying that institutions are a critical aspect of local social structure, and that human beings would have little use for communities if they did not serve recurring needs. Both urban and rural areas have formal institutional sectors. Most places have some form of politics and local governance, organized religion, education, and voluntary and service organizations. Moreover, as discussed in the preceding section, sustenance and economic activity are important aspects of locality. Rural and urban areas are not so much differentiated by the presence or absence of particular types of institutions as by their diversity and capacity. For example, schools, newspapers and churches, are widespread, but most rural communities offer a narrower range of choices as to where one’s children may be educated, where to worship, and/or the media from which one obtains local news. School consolidation in rural America has resulted in fewer and larger schools. Students are often bussed long distances to school. 12 Similarly, while churches are present in most rural communities, the range of denominations and congregations is narrow. Clubs, service organizations, and voluntary associations are also an important part of rural community life, but the choice of organizations to join is constrained in comparison to the organizational choices available in urban environments. Rural institutions also tend to have more limited capacity than their urban counterparts. Rural governments, for example, are often constrained by part time leadership, insufficient fiscal resources, ineffective organizational structures, limited access to technical information and expertise, and limited ability to assess changing community needs (Kraybill and Lobao, 2001; Cigler, 1993). The Sociocultural Dimension: Moral traditionalism is one of the most consistent themes subsumed under the term â€Å"rural culture† (Willits and Bealer, 1967). Rural persons are often considered to be more conservative than their urban counterparts, and data from national surveys indicate this to be true in the United States. Calvin Beale (1995) has shown that 49 percent of rural respondents to a 1993 National Opinion Research Center (NORC) national survey regard themselves as religious fundamentalists compared with 33 percent of urban respondents. Similarly, a much lower percentage of rural respondents believe that abortion should be available for any reason (26 percent vs. 44 percent), and a much higher percentage of rural persons believe that homosexuality is immoral (84 percent vs. 2 percent). Beale also observed that rural voters have been more likely to support conservative candidates in recent elections even though rural persons are slightly more likely than urban persons to describe themselves as democrats. A related idea is that rural conservatism is often associated with the homogeneity of the rural population. Wirth (1938) and ot hers argued that increased population diversity was one of the dominant effects of urbanization, and one of the reasons why informal social control was likely to break down in cities. Ironically, Fisher (1975) and other critics of Wirth, argued that ethnic diversity rather than contributing to a weakening of the social order was a main reason why the strength of social relations did not diminish in cities, and why community was not â€Å"eclipsed† in urban environments. While the association between ethnic and other aspects of population diversity and social and political attitudes is still an open question, research clearly indicates that rural populations in the U. S. , while 13 increasingly diverse, remain significantly more homogeneous than urban populations (Fuguitt, et al. 1989). In addition, the rural population’s racial and ethnic diversity is not spread evenly across the landscape, but tends to concentrate in particular regions and locales (Cromartie, 1999). Hence, even though about one out of ten rural Americans is African American, few rural communities are 10 percent Black. Rather, Blacks tend either to comprise the majority or large mino rity of a rural population or an insignificant percentage. The same tends to be true with respect to other racial and/or ethnic populations. Much has been written to suggest that primary social interaction is more prevalent and more intense in rural areas, and that rural areas have a higher level of informal social control than is true in urban areas. However, these contentions, if ever true, are not supported by contemporary empirical evidence. Copious research has shown that urban persons are involved in regular and intense interaction with family, friends and neighbors, and that community has not been eclipsed in urban America (Hummon, 1990; Fischer, 1975). Moreover, research by Sampson (1999), and others has shown that social networks are quite effective in regulating social behavior in urban locales. Accordingly, primary social interaction and effective social control do not differentiate rural and urban areas in contemporary American society, and are not components of the sociocultural dimension of rurality. CONCLUSIONS How urbanized are postindustrial societies? How rapidly is the remaining rural population being incorporated within the urban category? How do rural people and rural areas contribute to and/or detract from the social and economic well being of highly developed nations? We contend that answering these questions accurately is contingent on the availability of theoretically informed definitions of rural and urban areas. Virtually every developed nation uses population size and density as the basis for its differentiation of urban and rural areas. Areas obtain urban status by reaching some threshold of population size and/or density, and commuting or some similar measure of routine social and/or economic interaction is used to determine whether peripheral areas are integrated with, and hence part of large/dense urban agglomerations. Rural areas are simply the residual—areas that fail to satisfy the urban threshold or lack routine interaction with core 14 areas. We join with many previous scholars in arguing that this approach is blind to the complex multidimensional nature of postindustrial rurality. We believe that the residual approach is inadequate for differentiating rural from urban populations, and for examining social, economic, political, ecological and other forms of diversity within the rural category itself. We have recommended a multidimensional framework for considering the nature of rurality in postindustrial society. Our approach includes conventional demographic measures, and adds information on the natural environment, economic structures and activities, the diversity and capacity of institutions, and a sociocultural domain. Our case is the United States but we believe that the situation we describe in the U. S. is similar to that in most other postindustrial societies. Our paper rejects the notion that rurality is simply a residual that is leftover once urban areas have been identified. The rural as residual approach clearly identifies the extremes or urbanity and rurality (Paris, France vs. Paris, Texas, for example), but it offers no guidance for examining settlements that fall in the intermediate zone between these extremes. We believe that the multidimensional approach to conceptualizing rurality is helpful not only for distinguishing urban from rural but also for understanding the variability of social and economic organization that occurs within both categories. As we have shown, the OMB’s new core-based statistical areas systems is a step toward recognizing important aspects of rural diversity and of focusing attention on the zone between what is clearly urban and clearly rural. We acknowledge that there is a venerable tradition in social science of examining the correlates of city size (Duncan, 1951; Duncan and Reiss, 1956), and that it is possible that rural-urban variability in ecological, economic, institutional and sociocultural attributes may simply be a reflection of inter area differences in population size. If this is the case then the conventional practice of using population size to define urbanity may be sufficient for delineating urban from rural. In contrast, if the other dimensions of social and economic activity are only weakly associated with population size then conventional statistical practice may be producing misleading information regarding urbanization and the conditions of life in rural and urban communities. This important question merits continued examination in future research. 15 Changes in a nation’s urban-rural balance have significance that extends beyond purely academic curiosity. Understanding how variability in spatial context affects opportunity structures and the quality of life contributes to producing flexible public programs that are sensitive to local needs. Misinformation about the social, economic and institutional organization of rural and/or urban areas, and about the size and composition of a nation’s population living and working in rural and urban places will result in misinformed policies. For example, if policy makers believe that most rural persons are farmers, agricultural policies will be seen as a reasonable response to rural poverty and income insecurity. But, of course, agricultural policies will not have much of an effect on rural poverty because most rural persons in postindustrial societies do not depend on farming for their livelihoods (Gibbs, 2001). Or, if research indicates that the size of a nation’s rural population has held constant over time, as is the case in the United States where about 55-60 million persons has been classified as rural since 1950, then significant public investments for rural development will be legitimized (at least from an equity perspective). But, if the measurement of rurality is too permissive, and the population that is genuinely rural has actually declined, then public resources may be targeted to the wrong populations. We realize that the multidimensional perspective we are promoting could not be easily or cheaply built into a national statistical system. But, regardless of its practicality our framework raises important questions about the sufficiency of the size/density conventions used throughout the developed world, and consequently about the state of knowledge on urbanization in postindustrial societies. 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Timbers. 1990. â€Å"Popular Images of Rurality: Data From a Pennsylvania Survey. † Rural Sociology 55(4): 559-578. ______. 1967. â€Å"An Evaluation of a Composite Index of Rurality. † Rural Sociology 32(2): 165-177. Wirth, L. 1938. â€Å"Urbanization As a Way of Life. American Journal of Sociology 44(1): 129. 19 Figure 1: A Multidimensional Framework of Rurality in Postindustrial Society Indicators Rural Areas or Populations Urban Areas or Populations Are More Likely to Be: Are More Likely to Be: Dimensions of Rurality Ecological Dimension Population Size Population Density Situation in Settlement System Natural Environ ment Economic Dimension Dependence on Industrial Activities Size of Local Economy Diversity of Economic Activity Autonomy of Local Economy Institutional Dimension Local Choice Public Sector Capacity Sociocultural Dimension Beliefs/Values Population Diversity Small Low/Scattered Peripheral Rich in Natural Resources Large High/Concentrated Central Lacking Natural Resources Extractive Nondurable Manufacturing Consumer Services Small Workforce Small Establishments Undiversified Low/Dependent Producer Services Professional Services Durable Manufacturing Large Workforce Large Establishments Diversified High Narrow/Constrained Limited/Modest Wide High Conservative Homogeneous Progressive Heterogeneous 20 Table 1: Population, Land Area, Density and Percent Rural by CBSA Category, 19901 CBSA Category U. S. Metro Large Small Nonmetro Micro Non-CBSA 1 No. Counties 3,141 891 606 285 2,250 582 1,668 Population 1,000s Percent 248,709 195,930 171,606 24,323 52,780 26,699 26,081 100 79 69 10 21 11 10 Land Area (square miles) 1,000s Percent 3,536 737 488 249 2,799 625 2,174 100 21 14 7 79 18 61 Population Per Sq. Mile 70 266 351 98 19 43 12 See OMB (2000) for discussion of procedures used to delineate CBSA county types. Source: 1990 U. S. Census of Population 21 Table 2: Comparative Profile of Metro, Micro and Noncore Based Counties, U. S. , 19901 Metropolitan Large Small Nonmetropolitan Micro Noncore Characteristic Educational Attainment Pct. Less Than High School Pct. High School Pct. College Total Total 23 29 48 23 28 49 25 32 43 31 35 34 29 34 37 34 36 31 Industry of Employment (selected) Pct. Farm Pct. Manufacture Pct. Retail Pct. Services 1 13 16 29 1 13 16 30 3 15 18 25 8 18 16 21 5 18 17 22 11 17 15 19 Occupation of Employment (selected) Pct. Manager, Professional Pct. Tech. , Sales, Admin. Pct. Labor2 Earnings Per Job3 All Jobs (000) Manufacture (000) Retail (000) Services (000) 1 2 28 33 24 29 34 24 24 30 28 20 26 34 21 27 33 18 24 36 27 36 15 24 27 37 15 25 0 27 12 16 20 25 12 15 20 27 12 16 18 23 11 14 See OMB (2000) for rules used to identify county types. Skilled and unskilled 3 Nonfarm jobs Source: 1990 U. S. Census of Population 22 Table 3: Presence of Services and Facilities by County Type, 20001 Percent Provided in County Micro 29 71 62 58 91 89 41 64 38 100 45 Service or Facility Scheduled Passenger Air Service Scheduled Inter County Bus Service Local Bus Servic e Museum2 Daily Newspaper National or Regional Hotel Franchise Four Year College Library with Multiple Branches Commercial Television Station3 General Hospital4 N 1 Small Metro 50 91 95 77 95 100 82 64 68 100 22 Noncore Based 11 31 29 23 18 44 11 34 9 74 71 Ten percent sample of noncore based counties; 20% samples of small metro and micro counties. Current response rate = small metro: 41%; micro: 75%; noncore: 42%. Art, science or natural history with focus beyond local county. With local news and advertising. With at least two of four of the following services: emergency room, physical therapy, cardiac care or MRI. 2 3 4 23

Effects Of Discrimination Against Interracial Families

There is a persisting problem in our society that seems to never go away. It sometimes seems to diminish, but then suddenly it is put back into the light. This problem is racism against interracial families. Still, in 2017, interracial families face scorn from our traditions society. These families face hatred and prejudice for the blending of cultures and are subjected to vocal hatred from members of the families and communities. Whether or not you feel the need to stand up for the hatred interracial families receive, you should continue reading to gain more knowledge on the prevalence of interracial families in American, the harassment interracial families receive, and the value of interracial families. Interracial dating and marriage†¦show more content†¦All because of this I strive to prove you wrong. And to the family members that are racists towards my son and I, grow up and get off your high horse and see that times are changing. Just because I was attracted to a blac k guy does not make me or my son any lesser of a person. In my eyes, it makes me a better person because I can look past ones’ skin color and ways of life than judge them because they are not the same as us. In Gods eyes, we are all the same no matter of our skin color and that is how I strive to view people. And to the black people who see me as privileged because I am white; no, I am not, I also get viewed in old southern ways as an outcast. Ignorance is a sign that this society needs to have a better understanding of society and how their hurtful words affect someone. It is interesting how many people are not seeing the value of interracial families and the potential that they have in society. While it is true that interracial relationships may not solve the racism factors in America, it is a small start. More integrated culture is a result of interracial families and relationships. 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